Posts Tagged ‘racism’

what being a straight ally really means (part 3 of 3)

a multi-part series of posts about what straight allies can learn from Critical Whiteness Studies

As I wrote in part 1 of this series of posts, I’m taking a summer course called Critical Perspectives on Whiteness. I explained:

In addition to helping me start working through my own relationship to White privilege, Whiteness, and racism, this course is helping me think more deeply about the role of Straight privilege, Straightness, and heterosexism. Because I’m conditioned not to recognize so much of the privilege I receive as a white person, I’ve been finding it helpful to use my experiences as a gaylady and outsider to Straight privilege as a tool for trying to see White privilege. And that, in turn, helps me to think better about Straightness and Straight privilege.

The first part of this series focused on the dangers of turning the debate over gay marriage into the emblematic issue of the gay civil rights movement. The second part considers a second danger: “straight heroism.” This third and final part focused on anti-heterosexism as charity and discusses what to do / what not to do as a straight ally.

antiracism as charity / anti-heterosexism as charity

Hook adds a third danger: Antiracism as charitable act. He explains:

What I am referring to as ‘charitable’ instances of anti-racism do not result in a levelling of the playing field, in a necessary increase in the equality of society, but instead in the affirmation of a different order of privilege. They involve a trade-off: the declaration of a past racism – or admission of racialised privilege – is offered on condition that the speaker, the agent of the declaration, is able to claim the position of the redeemed subject, or gain something by way of liberal social capital.

There is a danger, he argues, in doing “humanitarian violence” through charitable antiracism: It turns the antiracist into the benefactor, the Other into the subservient recipient of charity. “We” must rescue “them” from “their” cruel lives.

Biko writes:

[White]liberals, leftists … are the people who argue that they are not responsible for white racism … these are the people who say that they have black souls wrapped up in white skins … They want to remain in the good books with both the black and the white worlds … They vacillate between the two worlds, verbalizing all the complaints of the blacks beautifully while skilfully extracting what suits them from the exclusive pool of white privileges … [The white liberal] claims complete identification with the blacks … [H]e moves around … white circles … with a lighter load, feeling that he is not like the rest of the others. Yet at the back of his mind is a constant reminder that he is quite comfortable as things stand.

I struggle to make peace with some of what I’ve seen from Straight allies because so much of allied behavior also smacks of charity. Being pro-gay–being a true ally–means being willing to give up Straight privilege that results in unfair and unequal distribution of resources and benefits. Pro-gay behavior that is not accompanied by an effort to redistribute unfairly distributed resources is behavior that does not work in the service of gay rights. I’m giving these clothes to charity because they don’t fit / they’re not fashionable / I want room for better clothes! What? Work to change the institutional forces that construct and maintain poverty? I just told you that I gave clothes to charity!

what not to do / what to do

Here’s what South African activist Andile Mngxitama has to say about what he wants from Whites:

for myself, as a black person, I don’t want:
(I) Acknowledgement of whites’ culpability
(2) Disclosure and remorse for what happened during colonialism and apartheid
(3) I wish for no dialogue
( 4) Whites owe me no apology or washing of feet
(5) Please, not another conference on racism
(6) No pledges confirming our collective humanity.

For myself, as a gay person, I don’t want:

(I) Straight allies claiming space on the public stage of gay civil rights when it comes at the loss of space on the stage for queers. If your words and actions are silencing gays, then you need to step aside.
(2) The suggestion that I might get farther if I tried to look a little more “mainstream” (read: straight). It makes you sound like you want me to “pass” as straight, which is something that I have chosen not to do.
(3) The suggestion that gay rights are better served by “mainstream” (read: straight-looking) queers and queer couples than by non-normative queers and queer couples. It makes you sound like you prefer your gays to be as straight as possible.
(4) To be asked my opinion on a gay rights issue by a straight ally, only to be interrupted and argued with before I’ve finished giving my opinion. If you really wanted to know my thoughts, you’d spend your time trying to understand and not trying to show why I’m wrong.

As a result of the readings and discussions I’ve had as part of my summer course on Whiteness, I am currently at a complete loss for how to proceed as a White antiracist. I’m confused and frustrated and anxious and sad–which, I think, is precisely how I should be feeling as I explore my own complicity in a system that unfairly benefits me through no effort of my own.

I have a hard time believing that my own uncertainty, indecision, and immobility are good things–until I think about what I want straight allies to feel about gay rights. As a straight ally, you should never feel certain or decisive about your position and role in the gay rights movement–for the movement to succeed, your role must be in flux, must always be conferred upon you by your queer peers. It’s only fair, then, that I feel the same anxiety about my role as a White ally that I want Straight allies to feel about their roles in the effort toward destabilizing and deconstructing heteronormativity and heterosexism.

what being a straight ally really means (part 2 of 3)

a multi-part series of posts about what straight allies can learn from Critical Whiteness Studies

As I wrote in part 1 of this series of posts, I’m taking a summer course called Critical Perspectives on Whiteness. I explained:

In addition to helping me start working through my own relationship to White privilege, Whiteness, and racism, this course is helping me think more deeply about the role of Straight privilege, Straightness, and heterosexism. Because I’m conditioned not to recognize so much of the privilege I receive as a white person, I’ve been finding it helpful to use my experiences as a gaylady and outsider to Straight privilege as a tool for trying to see White privilege. And that, in turn, helps me to think better about Straightness and Straight privilege.

The first part of this series focused on the dangers of turning the debate over gay marriage into the emblematic issue of the gay civil rights movement. This part considers a second danger: “straight heroism.”

white heroes / straight heroes

In defining “white heroism,” Lacanian psychologist Derek Hooks offers the example of Peter Gabriel performing ‘Biko,’ a song about the assassination of the Black South African anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko, at a Live Aid concert in the 1980s

before an audience of 25 million people. Despite the obvious political potential of such an act, it is difficult not to feel a slight sense of unease in watching this footage today, in an era where such political anthems are less in vogue. It seems harder now to deny that such a performance holds Gabriel himself up to the limelight, securing for the singer and his audience a kind of anti-racist social capital. One might adopt a psychoanalytic perspective here, by asking whether such a gesture, no matter how well-intentioned – and which certainly can be read as a laudable form of consciousness-raising – does not risk tipping over into an instance of ‘anti-racist narcissism’. We should not be blind to this possibility: that at the very moment in which one is fully immersed in publicly applauding the sacrifice, the heroism of an other one is simultaneously reaping the rewards of the attention thus called onto one’s self. Although he directs his comments at white South Africa, Chabani Manganyi’s (1973, p. 17) words nonetheless seem pertinent here: ‘liberalism can only be a form of narcissism – a form of white self-love’.

This is the rocky path of White Declarations, of public statements of antiracism that release a person from the responsibility to actually change behaviors, attitudes, or actions that maintain the (White) status quo. This is the joining of an MLK Day march, the writing of an antiracist letter to the editor of a local newspaper. This is the “I have a black friend” declaration, the “I have a gay friend,” the “I have a Muslim friend.”

Here's one way to be pro-gay without running the risk of having people actually think you're gay

Let’s go back to the rhetoric surrounding gay marriage for a minute. I’ve seen lots of public declarations from straight allies that go like this: I have gay friends who are in love and are happily married / who are in love and want to get married and I demand / request / suggest that you support their right to legally marry. Which is super and awesome but which risks ringing somehow false. Too often, those declarations seem a little too full of magnanimity, of I-am-open-minded-and-therefore-an-awesome-liberal, of pat-me-on-the-back-for-being-an-awesome-straight-person. This is another reason why gay marriage has become an emblematic issue: Because it’s an easy way for straight people to support gays without risking any loss of their own Straight privilege. This has even become an official part of the gay marriage rhetoric: Gay marriage helps straight marriages. Also, Glenn Beck is not threatened by gay marriage.

I believe in gay marriage precisely because I think it does threaten straight privilege. In my view, if gay marriage does not threaten straight privilege, then it’s not part of the solution. If it’s not part of the solution, it’s part of the problem.

The third and final part of this series of posts will be published on Sunday, June 5.

what being a straight ally really means (part 1 of 3)

a multi-part series of posts about what straight allies can learn from Critical Whiteness Studies

You know, I’m taking this summer course called Critical Perspectives on Whiteness. (If the field of Whiteness Studies is a new concept for you, I’ve got some resources! Here’s a Washington Post piece about proponents and opponents of Whiteness Studies courses in universities. Here’s sociologist Dalton Conley talking about race, Whiteness, and class. Here’s Peter Kolchin’s article on the field of Whiteness Studies.) It’s a good course. A fantastic course. Maybe the most important education course I’ve ever taken.

It’s also an incredibly difficult course, because the topic is unbelievably personal. How can anti-racist White educational researchers best support a smashing of Whiteness? How am I complicit in a system that confers onto me certain unearned “rights” and “privileges” that are denied to others?

In addition to helping me start working through my own relationship to White privilege, Whiteness, and racism, this course is helping me think more deeply about the role of Straight privilege, Straightness, and heterosexism. Because I’m conditioned not to recognize so much of the privilege I receive as a white person, I’ve been finding it helpful to use my experiences as a gaylady and outsider to Straight privilege as a tool for trying to see White privilege. And that, in turn, helps me to think better about Straightness and Straight privilege.

Using Derek Hook’s 2011 article “Retrieving Biko: a Black Consciousness critique of whiteness,” I’m going to talk through some of the issues that he argues white antiracists face in coming to terms with their own complicity in racism. Then I’m going to connect these issues to what I see as similar challenges for Straight anti-heterosexists. I hope to start a dialogue! About what it means to be a straight ally! Because we need allies, and we need allies whose behaviors, attitudes, words, and actions are pointed in a productive direction!

fetishizing Martin Luther King / fetishizing “straight” queers

Lacanian psychologist Derek Hook argues that anti-racist White folks are prone to holding up and identifying with a single Black figure–he gives the example of Martin Luther King, Jr.–as a hero while simultaneously removing anything threatening or scary about that person. Hook calls this “fetishizing,” which psychoanalysis defines as

a great investment in a certain object or person taken out of a disturbing context, and that is then memorialised, instituted in a way that enables us to forget, in a manner that protects us from a far more threatening situation. We can treat the ‘I have a dream’ refrain, much like Martin Luther King Day itself, as a fetish. That is, they are a way of proving that something is not so. They are a way of proving for white America that it is somehow not racist, that a line has been drawn between itself and its racist past.

Hook explains how we have scrubbed Martin Luther King and his famous speech clean of risk and threat:

King of course is responsible for some of the most famous words in US history: ‘I have a dream … ‘.The third Monday of each January in the USA is, furthermore, Martin Luther King Day, an extraordinary mark of commemoration. These remembrances of King stand in stark contrast to his declining popularity at the time of his death, to the oft-neglected fact of his radicalism in attacking the exploitative nature of racialised capitalism. What is my point here? In many instances the institutionalisation of such a heroic figure occurs as part of a strategy of amnesia. This is a memorialisation which works as a means of forgetting. We have a selective focusing in on an isolated element which enables a wiping-out of a far more disconcerting ensemble of surrounding elements. After all, as Slavoj Zizek (2009) asks, recounting the comments of Henry Taylor: how many people can recall what followed on in Martin Luther King’s most famous speech, what came after the words ‘I have a dream’ … ?

I’m not all that fond of Lacanian psychoanalytic theory, but I think Hook’s point is valid. It seems to me that fetishizing an iconic figure is aimage of Ryan White common–and often quite effective–way to simultaneously prove one’s tolerance for a non-dominant group and to refuse to deal with the aspects of that group that are scary, threatening, or dangerous. At the height of the HIV/AIDS crisis of the 1980s, Ryan White became the face of HIV/AIDS in America. Why? Because he was a white boy from suburban Indiana who had contracted HIV through a blood transfusion, not through intravenous drug use or unprotected sex. His story taught America that you can’t catch HIV by hugging an HIV+ person, or by petting a cat that an HIV+ person has petted, or by shaking hands with an HIV+ person. His story taught America that HIV/AIDS is not–as much as people would like to think it is–confined to gay men and drug addicts.

Which is super. But all this learning America was doing thanks to Ryan White didn’t change–maybe it even exacerbated–cultural attitudes and policies that put non-dominant (nonwhite, nonstraight, poor, undereducated) people at greater risk of contracting and dying from HIV/AIDS. Because, see, Ryan White was safe because it wasn’t his fault that he caught AIDS. Whereas those gay dudes, those black girls, those drug addicts–well, if they catch AIDS they were asking for it. Right? Right?

The current Big Issue of the gay civil rights movement is the issue of gay marriage. It is, no doubt, an important issue–but the fact that it has become the emblematic issue of gay rights is problematic, and the way it has been taking up by straight allies has a tendency to make me uncomfortable. The subtext of the rhetoric is dangerously close to “gay people should be allowed to marry because they fall in love just like we do. Do you ever see a transgendered person or couple being tossed up as the face of gay marriage? What about polyamorous queer couples? No? That’s because that’s an aspect of queerness that’s a little too threatening for many straight allies and potential allies.

The risk, of course, is that this gay marriage rhetoric may result in the legalization of gay marriage without actually serving the interests of the gay rights movement. Insofar as queers are judged by how well they align with the values of Straightness–monogamy, gender conformity, social and economic productivity, and so on–queers will never be able to fully measure up.

The second part of this three-part series of posts will be published on Saturday, June 4. The third part will be published on Sunday, June 5.

notes on the double-edged sword: on Jaron Lanier on algorithmic approaches to educational policy

cross-posted at HASTAC.

I generally find Jaron Lanier a bit too reductionist, a bit too either/or, for my tastes. His recent New York Times column arguing for a return to innovative, creative educational approaches and a turn away from problematic assumptions inherent in algorithmic approaches to assessment (“Does the Digital Classroom Enfeeble the Mind?” Sept. 16, 2010) is characteristically both reductionist and either/or. This makes me worried, because the piece is also–characteristically–poetic and moving, which means we education-y types have been slinging it around like Tea Party candidates sling xenophobia and hate. Because it took me a little while to realize Lanier’s message should worry us, I sent it on to my Twitter followers and drafted a glowing review of the piece to post here before realizing that the piece makes its own problematic assumptions about education and technologies and therefore calls for a much more critical read.

Lanier’s biggest concern, one with which I sympathize, is that turning issues of educational accountability over to computers and computer-scored tests results in a double-edged sword that pushes both the most creative teachers and the most unimaginative teachers out of the classroom. Reflecting on his father’s decision, in middle age, to become an elementary school teacher, Lanier writes that he

would have been unable to “teach to the test.” He once complained about errors in a sixth-grade math textbook, so he had the class learn math by designing a spaceship. My father would have been spat out by today’s test-driven educational regime.

But this is not the whole story…. It’s a romantic notion, the magic of teaching, but magic always has a dark side. Trusting teachers too much also has its perils. For every good teacher who is too creative to survive in the era of “no child left behind,” there’s probably another tenacious, horrid teacher who might be dethroned only because of unquestionably bad outcomes on objective tests.

No matter where you stand on NCLB and the use of standardized tests, you have to admit that Lanier has a point. Using standardized testing statistics to make decisions, at a distance, about the quality of a teacher may very well help us push the terrible educators out of the classroom, but it’s likely to also push out the most innovative teachers, the ones whose creativity, whose ability to foster deep and lifelong commitments to learning, don’t show up in test scores.

The problem, though, is that Lanier connects this real, worrisome concern to the windmill he’s been tilting at for some time: his conviction that internet technologies dehumanize us.

Lanier argues that while algorithmic, predictive approaches to some human experiences are “heartless,” they’re at least better than the alternative. As an example, he describes his frustration with algorithms that predict what sort of music he’d be interested in hearing, based on his previous musical selections. Lanier, a musician himself, writes that

(n)othing kills music for me as much as having some algorithm calculate what music I will want to hear. That seems to miss the whole point. Inventing your musical taste is the point, isn’t it? Bringing computers into the middle of that is like paying someone to program a robot to have sex on your behalf so you don’t have to.

And yet it seems we benefit from shining an objectifying digital light to disinfect our funky, lying selves once in a while. It’s heartless to have music chosen by digital algorithms. But at least there are fewer people held hostage to the tastes of bad radio D.J.’s than there once were. The trick is being ambidextrous, holding one hand to the heart while counting on the digits of the other.

Of course, this argument ignores the fact that “bad DJ’s” are often themselves the products of a different set of algorithms, numbers calculated by music producers, radio conglomerates, and the FCC. In fact, as most of us know (or at least suspect), a pretty significant proportion of our daily experiences are managed by algorithms–by computers. When we need to quickly learn about an event, a term, a date, a location, we Google it. We don’t go to Yahoo or About.com or Ask. How come? Because Google’s algorithms resulted in better, easier to navigate search results. When we add a new friend on Facebook, algorithms point us to other people we might know–and often, these suggestions help us broaden our social circles in useful, productive ways. Certainly we should worry about net neutrality and the dominance of Google, Facebook, and similar algorithmically driven tools; but in my view net neutrality is a political concern and not a strictly algorithmic one.

That’s the first bone I have to pick with Lanier. The second is with what he lists as the deeper concern: what he thinks is the underlying message of algorithmic, statistically driven tools. He writes that

(s)ome of the top digital designs of the moment, both in school and in the rest of life, embed the underlying message that we understand the brain and its workings. That is false. We don’t know how information is represented in the brain. We don’t know how reason is accomplished by neurons.

I don’t think he’s quite accurate in this assessment. It seems to me that the real message is not “we understand how the brain works” but “we understand how people behave.” In other words, the algorithms used by Google, Facebook, Twitter, Pandora and the like couldn’t really care less about how our brains are wired; what matters to them, what makes for “good,” useful results, is making sense of the social operations that drive our participation online.  Pandora’s algorithm, for example, relies on the “music genome project,” but the good folks at Pandora assume that musical tastes are about much more than DNA. Based on my musical preferences in the channel I call “Ani DiFranco Radio,” it’s entirely possible that I might get offered a Britney Spears song. I don’t like Britney Spears, and she certainly doesn’t belong on Ani DiFranco Radio. Why? Not because the musical structures of a Britney Spears song are opposed to my expressed musical tastes but because I don’t like Britney Spears. Pandora lets me register a “thumbs down” and thus makes it less likely that I will be offered another Britney Spears song.

Likewise, when people argue that, for example, the SAT is a more accurate predictor of first-year college success than extracurricular involvement, parents’ education levels, or other benchmarks, they’re not arguing that the SAT understands how the brain works. They’re making an argument about validity–basically, they argue that the SAT accurately measures what it’s intended to measure.

It’s fairly well established that if you want to do well on the SAT, you should do your best to be rich, white or East Asian, and male. It also turns out that being rich, white or East Asian, and male makes you more likely to succeed in your first year of college. In this respect, the SAT is making a perfectly valid prediction of college success. The issue, then, is not with the SAT itself but with the assumptions about what “counts” as learning–assumptions that lead to gender, racial, and class biases in both the SAT and in institutions of higher education.

Lanier is right that we should worry about the use of standardized tests to make accountability decisions, but it’s not because the algorithms behind these tests erroneously claim to know how our brains work. It’s because those algorithms erroneously claim to know beyond a doubt what “counts” as good learning, what “counts” as good teaching, and what “counts” as success. These social claims are far more dangerous, far more potentially destructive, than any biological or neuroscientific claims could ever be.

twinning injustice, one social structure at a time

My sister, who just finished absolutely destroying her first year of law school, recently announced an interest in pursuing criminal prosecution. Once I overcame my instant misreading of her announcement (don’t blame me; I’m not a morning person), I figured out pretty quickly that my twin sister and I are pursuing vocations that spring from the same moral impulse. To wit: I must serve and defend people who have suffered or will suffer at the hands of others.

It’s just the name–prosecution–that throws us off, makes us think prosecutors are out to punish the bad guys. In certain respects, of course, that’s exactly what prosecutors do–that’s exactly the power we confer to them. But the public interest in punishing the bad guys is an outgrowth of a deeper public impulse: To maintain the social order, to protect our citizens from injustice and victimization, to fight for the good guys.

Protecting people from injustice and victimization. Fighting for the good guys. That’s pretty much what I like to think I’m doing, too, by working in the service of working class kids and kids who are deeply undervalued and underserved by a system that is not designed to help them. I work in defense of those kids. And another way to frame that work is to say that I am a public prosecutor, building a case against a system that’s criminally unjust, criminally cruel.

But here’s where I think Laura and I part company: I believe we need to demolish the social order. I believe that the public education system is deeply, perhaps fatally, flawed, especially for poor kids and minorities, and I believe we need to work to tear it down. That’s the wheel I’m throwing my shoulder against.

Though we haven’t explicitly talked about this, I’m pretty sure my sister believes the criminal justice system is similarly deeply, deeply flawed (see here, here, here, and here)–but it seems to me that her stance is something like “this is the best system we have right now, the only system we have, so we need to use it to protect the innocents and the victims.”

I’m all, fuck the Man and the horse he rode in on! And my sister’s all, yyyeah that’s nice but lookit all these victims who need protecting and defense right now. And I’m all, Yes! And let’s muster up an army made up of those victims and march with them right to the gates of hell if that’s what it takes! And my sister’s all, um, okayyy but this woman was raped and that guy’s son was murdered and this woman was stabbed by her partner and what if we put aside the anger and try to take care of the people who need us right now?

Details, details, right? Laura and I agree that the world is all effed up, and we agree that we are therefore bound to the work of un-effing up things. The rest is just planning.

as goes Detroit…

file under: if you’re not mad, you’re not paying attention.

I knew the recession had hit Michigan, my home state, harder than it’s hit any other place in the country; I knew this because I’ve been following the news and because my family lives in Metropolitan Detroit. But my recent trip to Michigan reminded me of just how bad things have gotten.

This is not the Michigan I remember. It’s not just that some stores are boarded up and some houses are sitting empty; entire clusters of stores point their vacant windows toward passing traffic. (The cars are heavily American; the bumper stickers declare support for this or that union; there is pride, after all, for what little it’s worth these days.) Priced to sell! the For Sale signs declare. Will build to suit. It’s not one or two houses that have been emptied out; it’s neighborhoods that have begun to empty, the streets peppered with brown-lawned lots and swinging realtors’ signs.

Recession in Detroit doesn’t only look like this:

 It also looks like this:

And like this, as captured by a Michigan resident running a blog called Sub-Urban Decay:

The word “decimated” literally means “reduced by ten percent.” Decimated, therefore, doesn’t begin to capture the blight tearing through metro Detroit.

Because it’s not just the economy that’s imploding. Detroit Public Schools is on record as the lowest performing urban school district in the country. The graduation rate across DPS hovers at 58%, and the district’s Emergency Financial Manager, Robert Bobb, recently announced planned closures of 45 schools in the district, for a total of 140 closed schools in the last five years. That’s over half the district. And by the way, Bobb was brought in because state law requires it when a district fails to meet basic fiscal responsibility guidelines.

Former Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick, you may be aware, resigned his post in 2007 upon pleading guilty to two felony counts of obstruction of justice. He was also, among other things, the target of a scandal involving Tamara Greene, a stripper who performed at the mayoral residence and was later shot and killed in an as-yet unsolved case and a civil lawsuit in which Kilpatrick was accused of retaliating against the police officers in charge of the murder investigation. Because this is Detroit, leaving the Manoogian Mansion in disgrace is not the end of your story: Recently, new details have emerged about an FBI corruption investigation involving both Kilpatrick and his father.

Detroit isn’t the only city in Michigan, but in many ways it’s the most important one. As it goes, so goes the state. And it’s going to hell these days even faster than ever.

You want, as you watch the empty buildings flash past, as you hear the stories of families getting their water shut off and people talking about both the need and the utter impossibility of securing a second job in this floundering economy, as you watch the kids boarding their schoolbus in the morning, their parents slowly spreading off toward their cars, their bikes, their houses, you want to identify the simple cause of decay and you want to locate the simple solution. There are some things we know now that we didn’t know before: It’s not necessarily good to treat home ownership as a god-given, universal right. Lending practices should be more rigorous, and banks must be held to vastly higher standards than they have historically been. Credit card companies are largely evil, with a tiny dollop of forced generosity tossed in by the federal government.

But let’s say we take care of all that, and still we watch as 3 out of every 5 kids drop out of high school, and still we watch as people who are doing everything they’re told to do–working a full time job, paying their bills on time, making a budget and sticking to it–still find themselves realizing they’ll never have enough money to retire, still find themselves making tough decisions like whether to set that extra 50 dollars aside at the end of the month for their child’s college fund or to use it to pay the credit card bill.

Let’s say we change the worst laws: We get some honest to goodness health care reform (hooray!), we hold the auto industry’s feet to the fire, we boot the Kwame Kilpatricks. But the problems is that these are patches pasted hastily across a blown-out tire. Politics, local or national, is about as corrupt in this country as can be, and the recent Supreme Court decision knocking down campaign finance laws will only make matters worse. Our economy relies on a few staple industries, puts all its economic eggs in one or two baskets, and then when the bottom of the basket falls out we’re all surprised when we have nothing to eat for breakfast. And you don’t have to be half paying attention to the health care debate to see how much this country hates poor people and minorities, especially its black and Latino popul
ation.

It’s shameful, and it leaves me feeling deflated and defeated. What use is there fighting against such powerful bigotry and self-protectionism? How can we turn a current so powerful it sweeps us all downstream?

Yet we do keep trying, I suppose. We take hope in the victories, even the small ones and especially the large ones like yesterday’s historic vote mandating health care for all. It’s a far from perfect bill, diluted down by special interests and the bigotry of conservative politicians, but as my friend Rafi says, I guess we need to take care not to let great be the enemy of good.

And, I would add, we need to take care not to mistake “good” for “good enough.”

on ageism, sexism, and bad behavior: what we can learn from Dave Winer

Over at scripting.com, ageism is becoming an issue for Dave Winer.

Here’s how it went down, in Winer’s own words:

Earlier today I was listening to Talk of the Nation on NPR and heard an interview with Keli Goff from the Huffington Post. The interview started with an explanation that linked Reid’s embarassing words (about Obama’s race) to his age. She went out on a limb, way too far, although later in the interview she walked it back a bit.

This led to an afternoon of heated exchanges on Twitter. Lots of nasty stuff was said about people of my age, most of them untrue. What troubles me is that there is no general acceptance for insults based on race, religion or gender, but age-based insults have no taboo.

Dave Winer got attacked on Twitter today, no doubt about it. But what Winer doesn’t point out here is that he gave as good as he got: He came out absolutely swinging, excoriating Groff and smacking back at anyone who disagreed with him, insulted him, or–and you can imagine the temptation was just too great for some of Winer’s followers–notified him that he’s too old to know what he’s talking about. Here’s a clip of Winer’s twitter feed:

More than one person responded to Winer with some version of this:

I have to admit, it’s kinda tough to disagree with @miniver.

Before I go on, I want to cop to my own bad behavior with respect to ageism: In the past, and on this very blog, I have offered up Rupert Murdoch as “further proof of why old people should not be allowed to run media conglomerates.” That was blatant ageism, pure and simple, and it was wrong, and it’s not okay, even when used as a rhetorical device. (In retrospect, I should have offered up Rupert Murdoch as further proof of why hopelessly avaricious people should not be allowed to run media conglomerates.) I am sorry. I promise to try harder from here on out to avoid such wrong-headed attitudes and discriminatory language.

Now then.

In some ways, ageism is similar to sexism in that it’s brutally apparent to those who are the victims of it, even if others (non-victims) don’t see how a person might take offense. (I imagine, but don’t know for sure, that the same comparison could be made to other forms of prejudice–I’m just sticking with what I know best here and leaving the rest to others who know better than I.) People who react with anger to sexism, as to ageism, are treated like they just have their panties on a little too tight. “It’s just a fact that women are better at raising children.” “It’s just a fact that older people don’t understand the digital revolution.” Both disempower the target. Both are destabilizing. And both are treated as socially acceptable in lots of situations where everyone should know better. (By the way, here’s the mp3 of the Talk of the Nation conversation–Winer’s right to take issue with what’s clearly blatant ageism.)

Oh, but while I’m at it, I should also mention that women are exposed to sexism throughout their lives, so they’re used to it and develop strategies for coping with it as it happens and afterward. But ageism is perhaps as startling and frustrating as it is for the simple reason that its victims are experiencing a prejudice that’s entirely new to them. Of course, women who are the targets of ageism get hit with the double-disempowerment that comes with not only being female but being an old (read: asexual and therefore irrelevant) female. I can’t imagine how the prejudice gets compounded when the target of ageism is nonwhite, nonstraight, or otherwise out of the mainstream.

Winer self-identifies as white and he’s presumably straight (though a significant web presence has insinuated that he is, among other things, gay–about which more in a second), which perhaps explains his extreme outrage at the ageism directed straight at him today. (I agree with Anil Dash, who offered Winer this advice via Twitter:

@davewiner The way you are saying what you’re saying is undoing the argument you’re trying to make. Take a deep breath, come back in a bit.)

If you’ve rarely, or never, experienced the prick of arbitrary bigotry, then the first prick stings perhaps all the more deeply, scalds all the more powerfully. I still remember my first encounter with sexism, when my fourth grade teacher told me I couldn’t climb the playground swingsets to unwind the swings because I was a girl. It never gets less galling. It’s just that we do our best to get better at responding, in word and in deed. The fourth grade me, surprised, gave in and went inside. The 32-year-old me, by contrast, might climb the swingset anyway, in direct defiance of her teacher. (The 32-year-old me may, incidentally, actually be worse at getting what she wants.)

There’s a side note to this story, an interesting one: Dave Winer apparently carries a reputation for bad behavior in online communities. I didn’t know this until this evening, when I started researching Winer’s backstory for this post. I started following him on Twitter because of his status as a pioneer in weblogging, and until today knew next to nothing else about him. But here’s a sample of what I learned about how Winer responds to criticism:

  • Software developer and writer Mark Pilgrim decries Winer’s propensity for personal attacks against those who criticize his work (here’s What’s your Winer number? an algorithm for determining how your experience of Winer’s verbal abuse compares to the experiences of the hordes of others who have fallen victim to it, and here’s a post where Pilgrim makes public Winer’s response to the Winer number post–take a look at Winer’s comments below the post).
  • Here’s Matthew Ingram on Winer’s response to public criticism of a post Winer wrote called “Why Facebook Sucks.” When Stowe Boyd disagreed with Winer’s post, Ingram writes, Winer apparently called Boyd “a creep” and “an idiot.”
  • Here’s Jason Calacanis, who names Winer as a friend but still offers his experience of “getting Winered” during a public presentation.

The list goes on. The ridiculous “gay” insinuation–well, that sort of bad behavior is what people resort to when they feel people in positions of power are acting in violation of the public trust–when they see arrogance, petti
ness and rudeness from someone who has no reason to act so poorly.

There are at least two lessons to draw from the Winer / ageism story: First, that the worn grooves of prejudice and discrimination are so, so easy for humans, flawed as we are, to fall into, and that it is our responsibility to guard against taking that easy path; and second, that bad behavior in communities of practice is still not okay, no matter who you are. The difference these days, of course, is that reputation not only precedes you but follows behind you like a little yipping terrier. It’s getting harder and harder to walk into a room you’ve never entered without everyone noticing the constant bark of that little dog.

who you calling ‘we’?

In general, I like Nicholas Kristof’s work for the New York Times, and I basically agree with his argument in today’s Times that when it comes to education reform, Democrats are too easily cowed by powerful teaching unions and too willing to let underprivileged kids languish in impoverished learning environments.

I only take issue with the implications hidden in Kristof’s analysis of why this is so often the case, midway through the column:

as long as the students in question are impoverished and marginalized, with uncomplaining parents, they are allowed to endure the kind of teachers and schools that we would never tolerate for our own kids.

Who’s the “we” Kristof is talking about here? The suggestion appears to be that the Democratic Party is made up of those whose children are not forced to endure despicable learning conditions. It’s a double fallacy, since even the children of the affluent are too often ill-prepared for doing anything other than school and–more importantly–not all Democrats look, act, and believe like Nicholas Kristof does.

This is, in fact, an all-too common double-silencing effect: As Kristof points out, underprivileged kids and their parents are forced to put up with underqualified teachers and subpar learning conditions, without much recourse or say in the matter. And then, to add insult to injury, education writers like Kristof build a “we vs. they” approach: “we” would never tolerate the kind of teachers and schools that “they” have to put up with.

It’s not accurate, and it’s not right, and it’s certainly not fair, to imply that the most significant, vocal, or powerful Democrats, on education or other issues, are those with whom “we” most easily identify. Certainly the mainstream of the Democratic party is made up of affluent white men and women, but perhaps that’s because “we” spend so much time assuming that these are the Democrats whose voices matter most that “we” forget how to listen to people who don’t fit that mold.